STATE POWER AND THE COORDINATION
OF DISTRICT DEVELOPMENT
KATELE KALUMBA
KATELE KALUMBA
There are many who believe that
despite increased efforts at the politicisation of citizens in many countries,
the crisis of governance or of politics still remain because of at least five
root causes: a clash between the culture of democracy and its forms; low
citizens’ involvement, particularly low direct contact with politicians [
some Honourable members of Parliament in Zambia avoid too much contact because
of the “tulyemo culture”] ; limited choice from among a very limited range
of often vague and confusing party programmes; poor delivery by largely ineffective governments that are good
at promising but worse at implementing them, governments that are often
powerless in the face of rapid changes in the global environment including
foreign policy whether this be a new definition of post-September 11, 2001
terrorism or the new Western Governments’ good governance doctrines; and in the
face of excruciating poverty, diminishing time for political work.
If this was the case, it should not be
surprising then that the output of the political system is often of low quality
with high levels of waste, of disappointment and disillusion. And all these
problems become most apparent in the case of our African leaders, who sometimes
seem condemned to come to power on the waves of excitement and anticipation
that then crash into sullen hostility, a half life of enthusiasm that now seems
to last only about six months.
It is my view that above many
other reasons why people are losing faith in political leaders is not just
their incompetence, failure to get the job done as promised; it is an
increasing perception that something else is missing in political life:
transformational leadership in political life.
The old definitions, sometimes
even celebrated that politics is the art of lying, has come into a clash with a
popular search for a truthful and strategic role in political leadership. There
is a growing popular demand that our leaders be both good managers and “good
preachers” who must be inspiring, tell us about good images of ourselves, give
us hope, who are selfless, less cynical, honest and truthful. A soul or new
thinking is being called for in what has generally come to be perceived as a
mechanical nature of public life, defined by crafty moves that are designed to
deceive because they lack an inner integrity
The issue then is not that
people have chosen to abandon politics, as our Tripartite elections revealed to
the contrary in 2001, but rather that they want more out of politics, not just
robotically effective government but “responsible and effective” government.
The question is then simply this: what kind of leadership can assemble the
tools needed to lead under this situation of politico-moral turbulence?
President Mwanawasa has to
tackle this deep crisis in our governance not by clever rhetoric but by
genuinely addressing the questions that are on people’s minds every day.
Questions like why are we so poor? How do we get nshima on our table to feed
our families?
I do not think Mwanawasa’s
Administration should pretend to have all the answers. Our people know that
limit. But at least they expect him to raise the right questions? Because, in
the end really, the answers lie in the collective common sense, the shared
knowledge of all our people.
Each individual Zambian, who
wakes up every morning, turns the handle on the door to walk out into the
world. Turning that door handle can be a moment of adventure or joy. Of
anticipation. Of purpose. Or a reminder of failure. Of emptiness. Of angry
frustration. Of terrible anxiety. The mass of our people may be living a life
filled by a temptation of despair, quiet desperation, afraid of tomorrow.
Because we do not have all the
answers to the challenges that face each one of us as we turn that door handle
every morning, President Mwanawasa must address himself to and clarify one
issue underlying his administration’s thinking about the New Deal government
administration: effective management of state power. Despite the
contention of the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC), I believe that he must take the
challenge of how to restructure the system of political power in Zambia to the
people themselves. First, it does appear self-evident that the country needs to
disassemble state power from the Giant pyramids of technical responses of
central government experts and powerful politicians to the common sense
questions of the people.
President Mwanawasa must allow
this question of State power and in particular the question of decentralization
of power in a manner that is managerially possible, ethically accountable and
politically implementable.
Zambians have tried many ideas
since independence. I have studied closely what we have tried since 1964. We
cannot say we have succeeded. If we had, we cannot be witnessing this reality
where a country with such abundance and potential is
inexorably mired in streaming squalor, misery, deprivation, and almost
teetering on the verge of chaos. We cannot have a Zambia in 2004, in throes of a
seemingly incurable crisis where eating has become a luxury for many of our
people. I am not saying this is unique to Zambia. I am just rejecting the
view that things are okay in the system of government we have given ourselves.
Something more, of a form that touches upon the common sense understanding of
everyday realities of governing may have escaped us.
A
few years ago the MMD government, like its predecessor, UNIP, (You recall the
Village registration ACT of 1971, Governors etc) started working on the policy
of decentralization while about the same time it appointed a cadre of public
officers called District Administrators. Controversy has surrounded this
category of public servants. I understand where from this has risen. It is a perception
in some of our social entities, that this category was created for specific
partisan interests. I do not want to quarrel with that view. Yet, I wish to
challenge ourselves with the question that has always eluded us since
independence and only dishonesty and partisan ideology would refute the fact.
This is: how are we to ensure that local community talents, characteristics and
virtues qualitatively and quantitatively interface with central government
capacities to answer the questions that confront each one of us as we turn the
handle of the door each morning?
There
are no clear-cut answers, but I have some ideas about the process that should
help answer that question pragmatically. I do not think the answer lies in the
elite held view that we just scrap the office of the District Administrator and
the problem will disappear. Central-local relations have been problem issues
not only here in Zambia
but in developed countries. What I propose is that let the government revisit
its pledge to Parliament in 2002 and re-subject
this issue without hindrance during the CRC to a critical debate as part of the
principles of democratic governance. During this exercise, let us define both
the substantive and procedural issues about the authority structure of District
administration. If we accept the fact, that from the long catalogue of District
Commissioners, District Governors, to District Administrators, and back to
District Commissioners, is ample evidence of the essentiality with which
governments in Zambia, both colonial, and post-colonial have treated this
question of who shall coordinate this level of government to give voice to the
popular developmental aspirations of our people, I am certain that a clearer,
more acceptable definition of official authority at the District level will
emerge. Government must emerge at the District level that is able to deliver
the goods and services that answer the challenges of every day living.
Central
government cannot exist at this level simply as fragments of central bureaucracy
that lacks immediate supervisory accountability except from the far removed
offices of Provincial administrators. If we respect our people as thinking
human beings with a wealth of shared knowledge about their experience of
District administration, I am certain they will help us inform our
decentralized structures not in the service of partisan interest but in the
furtherance of the common good.